Sunday, February 28, 2021
JUST IN: Kristi Noem rips Joe Biden in CPAC 2021 speech & President Donald J. Trump delivers remarks at CPAC
Set Yourself Apart from This Corrupt Generation & Where Are All the Retractions of the Brian Sicknick Story?
By J.B. Shurk
It is no easy thing to watch the nation's political custodians destroy America by rejecting her foundations. It is not easy to watch millions of American citizens timidly obey politicians' demands that they destroy their own livelihoods and consent to house arrest in the name of a virus. It is not easy to watch members of Congress join tech monopolists and news anchors in aggressively targeting speech they dislike. It is not easy to watch the Second Amendment under attack by a president who was put into office by, as one Time writer admitted candidly, a "secret cabal of wealthy and politically connected elites" who conspired "to manipulate the rules and laws of an election in order to win." It is not easy to watch domestic intelligence services willfully ignore the violence of Antifa terrorists while aggressively arresting and prosecuting Americans for agreeing with Time that the election was won illegitimately. It is not easy to watch the Supreme Court prove that it is irredeemably compromised by refusing to consider election lawsuits that might expose how corrupt America's elections have become. And it is certainly not easy to listen to Republicans like Liz Cheney reinforce Democrats' fever-pitched lies that "white supremacy," a blood libel rhetorically identical to Hitler's obsession with Jewish supremacy a century ago, is at the root of all our nation's problems.
The Capitol Police officer did not die after being attacked by Trump supporters with a fire extinguisher on January 6. Yet news organizations and lawmakers refuse to correct the Big Lie.
By Julie Kelly February 27, 2021
But one thing is certain: Brian Sicknick did not die after being attacked by Trump supporters with a fire extinguisher on January 6. The story is a lie. It is in fact, unlike claims of election fraud, a Big Lie. And everyone from Joe Biden to top news organizations down to random Twitter accounts who repeated the lie knew it was a lie because no evidence ever existed to prove the claim was true. It didn’t matter to the propagandists of the lie that it was a lie; the fabrication served its destructive political purposes.
Yet major news organizations and lawmakers still refuse to correct the Big Lie.
Wednesday, February 24, 2021
CITY COUNCIL AGENDA SPECIAL MEETING, March 1, 2021
https://drive.google.com/file/d/1xAN4XNVMa0peJ_POzsE7TOu2243rKpqS/view?usp=sharing
EIGHT NOTEWORTHY CITY COUNCIL REGULAR MEETING AGENDA ITEMS, March 2, 2021
ABSTRACT: Eight Noteworthy City Council Regular Meeting Agenda Items, March 2, 2021, including PUBLIC APPEARANCES, ANNOUNCEMENTS; CONSENT AGENDA including February 2, 2021 Special and Regular Meeting Minutes, Monthly Reports for January: 1) City Administrator Contract Log; 2) Community Planning and Building Department Reports; 3) Police, Fire, and Ambulance Reports; 4) Public Records Act Requests, and 5) Public Works Department Report and January 2021 Check Register Summary; ORDERS OF BUSINESS including Consider authorizing staff to issue a Request for Proposals for the leasing of the historic Forest Theater for theatrical programming and facility management, Receive an update on Special Events for 2021 and Receive an update on the City's unfunded pension liability, discuss pension mitigation options, including the development of a pension funding policy, and provide direction to staff; PUBLIC HEARINGS including Consideration of an Appeal of the Forest and Beach Commission decision regarding fee assessment and mitigation for unauthorized tree removals at the northwest corner of Junipero Street and Thirteenth Avenue. The CITY OF CARMEL-BY-THE-SEA CITY COUNCIL AGENDA REGULAR MEETING Tuesday, March 2, 2021 and Staff Report document copies are embedded.
CITY OF CARMEL-BY-THE-SEACITY COUNCIL AGENDA
REGULAR MEETING
Tuesday, March 2, 2021
Orders of Business are agenda items that require City Council, Board or Commission discussion, debate, direction to staff, and/or action.
8. Receive an update on the City's unfunded pension liability, discuss pension mitigation options, including the development of a pension funding policy, and provide direction to staff https://drive.google.com/file/d/1xS7SkSgmdkl9zeDKkiIYXcYUJ1_qWHdw/view?usp=sharing
PUBLIC HEARINGS
11. Consideration of an Appeal of the Forest and Beach Commission decision regarding fee assessment and mitigation for unauthorized tree removals at the northwest corner of Junipero Street and Thirteenth Avenue
12. The City Council meeting will be adjourned in memory of Barbara Livingston
Monday, February 22, 2021
The Causes and Costs of Illegal Immigration through the United States’ Southwest Border, A Report by Dr. Peter Navarro
https://drive.google.com/file/d/1pfEVuM4wE6qLgCPYtK3fJ1lwOtqUMvzZ/view?usp=sharing
A Special Foreword by Steve Cortes
The Causes and Costs of Illegal Immigration through the United States’ Southwest Border
A Report by Dr. Peter Navarro
February 2020
As the Biden-Harris Regime continues to dismantle the Secure Order policies of the Trump Administration, and as a crisis on our Southern border gains in intensity, it is well worth remembering that elections have consequences. On our Southern border, the very worst is yet to come – we must brace for the fallout.
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES: (ORDER LIST: 592 U.S.) MONDAY, FEBRUARY 22, 2021
https://drive.google.com/file/d/12etnMQlRV2kj0SkdxN_ULCrKLauub6Pu/view?usp=sharing
(ORDER LIST: 592 U.S.) MONDAY, FEBRUARY 22, 2021
20A63 TRUMP, DONALD J. V. VANCE, CYRUS R., ET AL. The application for a stay presented to Justice Breyer and referred to the Court is denied. |
20-799
WOOD, L. LIN V. RAFFENSPERGER, BRAD, ET AL.
20-809
WARD, KELLI V. JACKSON, CONSTANCE, ET AL.
20-882
TRUMP, DONALD J., ET AL. V. BIDEN, JOSEPH R., ET AL.
The motion of 28 Current Members of the House of Representatives for leave to file a brief as amici curiae is granted. The petition for a writ of certiorari is denied.
20-815
KING, TIMOTHY, ET AL. V. WHITMER, GOV. OF MI, ET AL.
The petition for a writ of certiorari before judgment is denied.
20-845
The motion of Constitutional Attorneys for leave to file a brief as amici curiae is granted. The motion of Republican Party of Pennsylvania for leave to file a brief as amicus curiae is granted. The petition for a writ of certiorari is denied.
20–542 REPUBLICAN PARTY OF PENNSYLVANIA 20–542 v. VERONICA DEGRAFFENREID, ACTING SECRETARY OF PENNSYLVANIA, ET AL.
20–574 JAKE CORMAN, ET AL. v. PENNSYLVANIA DEMOCRATIC PARTY, ET AL.
ON PETITIONS FOR WRITS OF CERTIORARI TO THE SUPREME COURT OF PENNSYLVANIA, MIDDLE DISTRICT
Nos. 20–542 and 20–574. Decided February 22, 2021
The motions of Donald J. Trump for President, Inc. for leave to intervene as petitioner are dismissed as moot. The motions of Thomas J. Randolph, et al. for leave to intervene as respondents are dismissed as moot. The motion of Hon- est Elections Project for leave to file a brief as amicus curiae in No. 20–542 is granted. The motion of White House Watch Fund, et al. for leave to file a brief as amici curiae in No. 20–574 is granted. The petitions for writs of certiorari are denied.
I
Displeased with that decision, the Pennsylvania Democratic Party sued in state court. It argued that the court could extend the deadline through a vague clause in the State Constitution providing, in relevant part, that “[e]lections shall be free and equal.” Art. I, §5. The Pennsylvania Supreme Court agreed. On September 17, it held that this “free and equal” provision enabled the court to extend the deadline three days to accommodate concerns about postal delays.
Petitioners
promptly moved for emergency relief, filing an application for a stay on
September 28. That application easily met our criteria for granting relief. See
Hollingsworth v. Perry, 558 U. S. 183, 190 (2010) (per curiam).
Not only did parties on both sides agree that the
issue warranted certiorari, but there also was no question that petitioners
faced irreparable harm. See Maryland v. King, 567
U. S. 1301, 1303
(2012) (ROBERTS, C. J., in chambers)(“‘[A]ny time a State is enjoined by a
court from effectuating statutes enacted by representatives of its people, it
suffers a form of irreparable injury’”). Petitioners further established a
fair prospect of certiorari and reversal. For more than a century, this Court
has recognized that the Constitution “operat[es] as a limitation upon the
State in respectof any attempt to circumscribe the legislative power” to regulate
federal elections. McPherson v. Blacker, 146 U. S. 1, 25 (1892).
Because the Federal Constitution, not state constitutions, gives state
legislatures authority to regulate federal elections, petitioners presented a
strong argument that the Pennsylvania Supreme Court’s decision violated the
Constitution by overriding “the clearly expressed intent ofthe legislature.” Bush
v. Gore, 531 U. S. 98, 120 (2000) (Rehnquist, C. J., concurring).
Despite petitioners’ strong showing that they were entitled to relief, we
divided 4–4and thus failed to act. Scarnati v. Boockvar, ante,
p. ___.
Four days later, petitioners filed the first of these petitions and moved to expedite consideration so the Court could decide the merits before election day. But by that time, election day was just over a week away. So we denied the motion to expedite even though the question was of “national importance” and there was a “strong likelihood that the State Supreme Court decision violates the Federal Constitution.” Republican Party of Pa. v. Boockvar, ante, at 3 (statement of ALITO, J.).
Now that the petitions are before us under the normal briefing schedule, I see no reason to avoid them. Indeed, the day after we denied petitioner’s motion to expedite in No. 20–542, the case became even more worthy of review. The Eighth Circuit split from the Pennsylvania Supreme Court, granting a preliminary injunction against an attempt by the Minnesota Secretary of State to extend the legislature’s deadline to receive ballots by seven days. Carson v. Simon, 978 F. 3d 1051, 1059–1060, 1062 (2020). This divide on an issue of undisputed importance would justify certiorari in almost any case. That these cases concern federal elections only further heightens the need for review.
A
Elections are “of the most fundamental significance under our constitutional structure.” See Illinois Bd. of Elections v. Socialist Workers Party, 440 U. S. 173, 184 (1979). Through them, we exercise self-government. But elections enable self-governance only when they include processes that “giv[e] citizens (including the losing candidates and their supporters) confidence in the fairness of the election.” See Democratic National Committee v. Wisconsin State Legislature, ante, at 3 (KAVANAUGH, J., concurring in denial of application to vacate stay); accord, Purcell v. Gonzalez, 549 U. S. 1, 4 (2006) (per curiam) (“Confidence in the integrity of our electoral processes is essential to the functioning of our participatory democracy”).
Unclear rules threaten to undermine this system. They sow confusion and ultimately dampen confidence in the integrity and fairness of elections. To prevent confusion, we have thus repeatedly—although not as consistently as we should—blocked rule changes made by courts close to an election. See Purcell, supra.1
An election system lacks clear rules when, as here, different officials dispute who has authority to set or change those rules. This kind of dispute brews confusion because voters may not know which rules to follow. Even worse, with more than one system of rules in place, competing candidates might each declare victory under different sets of rules.
We are fortunate that
the Pennsylvania Supreme Court’s decision to change the receipt deadline for
mail-in ballots does not appear to have changed the outcome in any federal
election. This Court ordered the county boards to segregate ballots received
later than the deadline set by the legislature. Order in Republican Party
of Pa. v. Boockvar, No.
20A84. And none of the parties contend that those ballots made an
outcome-determinative difference in any relevant federal election.
But we may not be so lucky in the future. Indeed, a separate decision by the Pennsylvania Supreme Court may have already altered an election result. A different petition argues that after election day the Pennsylvania Supreme Court nullified the legislative requirement that voters write the date on mail-in ballots. See Pet. for Cert., O. T. 2020, No. 20–845. According to public reports, one candidate for a state senate seat claimed victory under what she contended was the legislative rule that dates must be included on the ballots. A federal court noted that this candidate would win by 93 votes under that rule. Ziccarelli v. Allegheny Cty. Bd. of Elections, 2021 WL 101683, *1 (WD Pa., Jan. 12, 2021). A second candidate claimed victory under the contrary rule announced by the Pennsylvania Supreme Court. He was seated.
That is not a prescription for confidence. Changing the rules in the middle of the game is bad enough. Such rule changes by officials who may lack authority to do so is even worse. When those changes alter election results, they can severely damage the electoral system on which our self-governance so heavily depends. If state officials have the authority they have claimed, we need to make it clear. If not, we need to put an end to this practice now before the consequences become catastrophic.
B
At first blush, it may seem reasonable to address this question
when it next arises. After all, the 2020 election is now over, and the
Pennsylvania Supreme Court’s decision was not outcome determinative for any
federal election.
But whatever force that argument has in other contexts, it fails
in the context of elections. For at least three reasons, the Judiciary is ill
equipped to address problems—including those caused by improper rule
changes—through post-election litigation.
First, postelection litigation is truncated by firm timelines.
That is especially true for Presidential elections, which are governed by the
Electoral Count Act, passed in1887. That Act sets federal elections for the day
after the first Monday in November—last year, November 3. See 3
U. S. C. §1. Under a statutory safe-harbor provision, a State has about five weeks to address all disputes and make a “final determination” of electors if it wants that decision to “be conclusive.” §5. Last year’s deadline fell on December 8, and the Electoral College voted just six days later.§7. Five to six weeks for judicial testing is difficult enough for straightforward cases. For factually complex cases, compressing discovery, testimony, and appeals into this timeline is virtually impossible.
Second, this time frame imposes especially daunting constraints
when combined with the expanded use of mail-in ballots. Voting by mail was
traditionally limited to voters who had defined, well-documented reasons to be
absent. See, e.g., Moreton, Note, Voting by Mail, 58 S. Cal. L. Rev.
1261, 1261–1264 (1985). In recent years, however, many States have become more
permissive, a trend greatly accelerated by COVID–19. In Pennsylvania, for
example, mail-in ballots composed just 4% of ballots cast in 2018. But the
legislature dramatically expanded the process in 2019, thereby increasing the
mail-in ballots cast in 2020 to 38%.
This expansion impedes postelection judicial review because litigation about mail-in ballots is substantially more complicated. For one thing, as election administrators havelong agreed, the risk of fraud is “vastly more prevalent” for mail-in ballots. Liptak, Error and Fraud at Issue as Absentee Voting Rises, N. Y. Times, Oct. 6, 2012. The reason is simple: “[A]bsentee voting replaces the oversight that exists at polling places with something akin to an honor system.” Ibid. Heather Gerken, now dean of Yale Law School, explained in the same New York Times article that absentee voting allows for “simpler and more effective alternatives to commit fraud” on a larger scale, such as stealing absentee ballots or stuffing a ballot box, which explains “‘why all the evidence of stolen elections involves absentee ballots and the like.’” Ibid. The same article states that “[v]oting by mail is now common enough and problematic enough that election experts say there have been multiple elections in which no one can say with confidence which candidate was the deserved winner.” Ibid.
Pennsylvania knows this well. Even before widespread absentee voting, a federal court had reversed the result of a state senate election in Philadelphia after finding that the supposedly prevailing candidate “conducted an illegal absentee ballot conspiracy and that the [election officials] covertly facilitated the scheme with the specific purpose of ensuring a victory for” that candidate. Marks v. Stinson, 1994 WL 146113, *29, *36 (ED Pa., Apr. 26, 1994). This problem is not unique to Pennsylvania, and it has not gone away. Two years ago, a congressional election in North Carolina was thrown out in the face of evidence of tampering with absentee ballots. Because fraud is more prevalent with mail-in ballots, increased use of those ballots raises the likelihood that courts will be asked to adjudicate questions that go to the heart of election confidence.2
Fraud is not the only aspect of mail-in ballots that complicates postelection judicial review. Also relevant are the corresponding safeguards that States put in place to ameliorate that heightened risk of fraud. To balance the “strong interest” of ballot access with the “‘compelling interest in preserving the integrity of [the] election process,’” Purcell, 549 U. S., at 4, many States have expanded mail-in ballots but sought to deter fraud—and create mechanisms to detect it—by requiring voters to return ballots in signed, dated secrecy envelopes. Some States also require witness or notary signatures. Tallying these ballots tends to be more labor intensive, involves a high degree of subjective judgment(e.g., verifying signatures), and typically leads to a far higher rate of ballot challenges and rejections. Litigation over these ballots can require substantial discovery and labor-intensive fact review. In some cases, it might require sifting through hundreds of thousands or millions of ballots. It also may require subjective judgment calls about the validity of thousands of ballots. Judicial review in this situation is difficult enough even when the rules are clear and the number of challenged ballots small. Adding a dispute about who can set or change the rules greatly exacerbates the problem.
Third, and perhaps most significant, postelection litigation sometimes forces courts to make policy decisions that they have no business making. For example, when an official has improperly changed the rules, but voters have already relied on that change, courts must choose between potentially disenfranchising a subset of voters and enforcing the election provisions—such as receipt deadlines—that the legislature believes are necessary for election integrity. That occurred last year. After a court wrongly altered South Carolina’s witness requirement for absentee ballots, this Court largely reinstated the original rule, but declined to apply it to ballots already cast. Andino v. Middleton, ante, p. ___. Settling rules well in advance of an election rather than relying on postelection litigation ensures that courts are not put in that untenable position.
In short, the postelection system of judicial review is at most suitable for garden-variety disputes. It generally cannot restore the state of affairs before an election. And it is often incapable of testing allegations of systemic maladministration, voter suppression, or fraud that go to the heart of public confidence in election results. That is obviously problematic for allegations backed by substantial evidence. But the same is true where allegations are incorrect. After all, “[c]onfidence in the integrity of our electoral process is essential to the functioning of our participatory democracy.” Purcell, supra, at 4; cf. McCutcheon v. Federal Election Comm’n, 572 U. S. 185, 191, 206–207 (2014) (plurality opinion) (identifying a compelling interest in rooting out the mere “appearance of corruption” in the political process).An incorrect allegation, left to fester without a robust mechanism to test and disprove it, “drives honest citizens out of the democratic process and breeds distrust of our government.” Purcell, supra, at 4.
Because the judicial system is not well suited to address these kinds of questions in the short time period available immediately after an election, we ought to use available cases outside that truncated context to address these admittedly important questions. Here, we have the opportunity to do so almost two years before the next federal election cycle. Our refusal to do so by hearing these cases is befuddling. There is a clear split on an issue of such great importance that both sides previously asked us to grant certiorari. And there is no dispute that the claim is sufficiently meritorious to warrant review. By voting to grant emergency relief in October, four Justices made clear that they think petitioners are likely to prevail. Despite pressing for review in October, respondents now ask us not to grant certiorari because they think the cases are moot. That argument fails.
The issue presented is capable of repetition, yet evades review. This exception to mootness, which the Court routinely invokes in election cases, “applies where (1) the challenged action is in its duration too short to be fully litigated prior to cessation or expiration, and (2) there is a reasonable expectation that the same complaining party will be subject to the same action again.” Davis v. Federal Election Comm’n, 554 U. S. 724, 735 (2008) (internal quotation marks omitted) (resolving a dispute from the 2006 election); see also Anderson v. Celebrezze, 460 U. S. 780, 784, and n. 3 (1983) (resolving a dispute from the 1980 election).Here, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court issued its decision about six weeks before the election, leaving little time for review in this Court. And there is a reasonable expectation that these petitioners—the State Republican Party and legislators—will again confront nonlegislative officials altering election rules. In fact, various petitions claim that no fewer than four other decisions of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court implicate the same issue.3 Future cases will arise as lower state courts apply those precedents to justify intervening in elections and changing the rules.
One wonders what this Court waits for. We failed to settle this dispute before the election, and thus provide clear rules. Now we again fail to provide clear rules for future elections. The decision to leave election law hidden beneath a shroud of doubt is baffling. By doing nothing, we invite further confusion and erosion of voter confidence. Our fellow citizens deserve better and expect more of us. I respectfully dissent.
Sunday, February 21, 2021
No Longer Consenting, Carlsbad California Restaurant Owners Defy Order and Open for Indoor Dining…by Sundance
Posted on February 19, 2021 by Sundance
”If the public are bound to yield obedience to laws to which they cannot give their approbation, they are slaves to those who make such laws and enforce them.”.. ~Sam Adams
Understanding and Embracing the Role of the 21st-Century American Dissident, Brent E. Hamachek
Jan 26
That makes us dissidents.
Our role models need to be people like Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, Natan Sharansky, and Andrei Sakharov.
No Proof January 6 Was an ‘Armed Insurrection,’ AMERICAN GREATNESS
Not one person has been charged with possessing or using a gun inside the Capitol. Further, no one even has been identified as carrying a gun inside the building.
By Julie Kelly February 19, 2021
At least 100,000 attended Trump’s speech that day; fewer than 1,000 “stormed” the Capitol. A few hundred have been arrested and only 14 face weapons charges. Those “deadly and dangerous” weapons include two baseball bats, a can of pepper spray, a walking stick/stun gun, an axe, a few fire extinguishers (one in question), a helmet, a riot shield, and a collapsible baton. And at no time did this random weaponry pose a lethal threat to lawmakers inside the Capitol..
Was January 6, 2021 an “armed insurrection” or anything close?
No.
Friday, February 19, 2021
Dr. SHIVA LIVE: Systems Science of Immunity and Masks
Conference of February 19, 2021 in the United States Supreme Court: Republican Party of Pennsylvania, Petitioner v. Veronica Degraffenreid, Acting Secretary of Pennsylvania, et al., Jake Corman, et al., Petitioners v. Pennsylvania Democratic Party, et al., L. Lin Wood, Jr., Petitioner v. Brad Raffensperger, Georgia Secretary of State, et al., Timothy King, et al., Petitioners v. Gretchen Whitmer, Governor of Michigan, et al., Donald J. Trump for President, Inc., Petitioner v. Veronica Degraffenreid, Acting Secretary of Pennsylvania, et al. & Donald J. Trump, et al., Petitioners v. Joseph R. Biden, et al.
Case Number 20-542
Republican Party of Pennsylvania, Petitioner v. Veronica Degraffenreid, Acting Secretary of Pennsylvania, et al. It used to be Republican Party of Pennsylvania, Petitioner v. Kathy Boockvar, Secretary of Pennsylvania, et al.
No. 20-542
Republican Party of Pennsylvania v. Veronica Degraffenreid, Acting Secretary of Pennsylvania, et al.
from the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, Middle District
Case Number 20-574
Jake Corman, et al. v. Pennsylvania Democratic Party, et al.
from the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, Middle District
Case Number 20-799
L. Lin Wood, Jr. v. Brad Raffensperger, Georgia Secretary of State, et al.
from the United States Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit
No. 20-815
Timothy King, et al. v. Gretchen Whitmer, Governor of Michigan, et al.
from the United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit
Donald J. Trump for President, Inc. v. Veronica Degraffenreid, Acting Secretary of Pennsylvania, et al.
from the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, Middle District
Case Number 20-882
By Jim Hoft
Published February 19, 2021
Once Upon a Presidency, Joshua Hochschild, the American Mind, A PUBLICATION OF THE CLAREMONT INSTITUTE
Once Upon a Presidency
Joshua Hochschild
Wednesday, February 17, 2021
Mike Lindell, Mary Fanning and Brannon Howse Present the Docu-movie: Absolute Proof Exposing Election Fraud and the Theft of America by Enemies Foreign and Domestic
Absolute Proof
Exposing Election Fraud and the Theft of America by Enemies Foreign and Domestic
Absolute Proof Trailer
(28:29)
Full Length Video
(1:59:59)
Unmasked: Has the truth about the 2020 election been uncovered?
(16:29)
Tuesday, February 16, 2021
WATCH: Trump impeachment defense lawyer Michael van der Veen delivers closing argument
Friday, February 12, 2021
Trump's Lawyers Destroy Democrats Showing Everyone Using the Word "Fight"
MAGA Blood Libel: Why Are They Hiding The Medical Report?
February 9, 2021
Officer Sicknick’s death is the only purported death by a
largely tourist crowd that was let into the building by police, stayed inside the velvet ropes, seemed at least partly there out of confusion, for social media clout, or just for the memes, and that even the New York Times conceded caused limited property damage.
Narrative 1:0: The Brazen Lie
Narrative 2.0: Strategic Ambiguity and Rhetorical Conflation
But how exactly, did they die? We explore this disturbing question in part two of this explosive investigative series.
Thursday, February 11, 2021
POWERFUL VIDEO: Dem Impeachment Managers Implicate Themselves In Violent Insurrectionism
Victor Davis Hanson on Impeachment and the ‘Cancer’ of Woke Ideology | American Thought Leaders
American Police State: No Questions Allowed & The American Flight from Freedom and Mental Health
American Police State: No Questions Allowed
By J.B. Shurk
When does a free state become a police state? Is it when government declares itself "essential" but religious worship "selfish"? Or when making a living becomes a crime? Or when free speech rights are afforded only to those who say "correct" things? Or maybe when tens of millions of Americans find themselves unexpectedly labeled as "domestic terrorists" by the military-media complex overnight?
Perhaps the telltale sign is this: simply asking why becomes subversive.Free people neither fear nor punish debate; open and continuous disagreement is, in fact, a hallmark of all free societies. Anybody who claims that political speech should be punished as criminal incitement is no friend to freedom. Anybody who pretends that words are violence is only looking to police thought.
February 11, 2021
The American Flight from Freedom and Mental Health
By E. Jeffrey Ludwig
Wednesday, February 10, 2021
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES: DISTRIBUTED for Conference of 2/19/2021, Mike Kelly, United States Congressman, et al., Petitioners v. Pennsylvania, et al., L. Lin Wood, Jr., Petitioner v. Brad Raffensperger, Georgia Secretary of State, et al., Donald J. Trump for President, Inc., Petitioner v. Kathy Boockvar, Secretary of Pennsylvania, et al., Donald J. Trump, et al., Petitioners v. Joseph R. Biden, et al. & Timothy King, et al., Petitioners v. Gretchen Whitmer, Governor of Michigan, et al.
In the Supreme Court of the United States Mike Kelly, United States Congressman, et al., Petitioners v. Pennsylvania, et al
Supreme Court of the United States
No. 20-810Title: Mike Kelly, United States Congressman, et al., Petitioners v. Pennsylvania, et al.
Lower Ct Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, Middle District
Case Numbers: (68 MAP 2020)
Decision Date: November 28, 2020
Jan 20 2021 | DISTRIBUTED for Conference of 2/19/2021. |
In the Supreme Court of the United States L. Lin Wood, Jr., Petitioner v. Brad
Raffensperger, Georgia Secretary of State, et al.
Supreme Court of the United States
No. 20-799Title: L. Lin Wood, Jr., Petitioner v. Brad Raffensperger, Georgia Secretary of State, et al.
Docketed: December 11, 2020
Lower Ct United States Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit
Case Numbers: (20-14418)
Decision Date:
December 5, 2020
Jan 27 2021 | DISTRIBUTED for Conference of 2/19/2021. |
In the Supreme Court of the United States Donald J. Trump for President, Inc., Petitioner v. Kathy Boockvar, Secretary of Pennsylvania, et al.
Supreme Court of the United States
No. 20-845Title Donald J. Trump for President, Inc., Petitioner v. Kathy Boockvar, Secretary of Pennsylvania, et al.
Docketed: December 23, 2020
Lower Ct. Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, Middle District
Case Numbers: (149 MM 2020)
Decision Date October 23, 2020 Rule 12.4
Jan 27 2021 | DISTRIBUTED for Conference of 2/19/2021. |
In the Supreme Court of the United States Donald J. Trump, et al., Petitioners v. Joseph R. Biden, et al.
Supreme Court of the United States
Title: Donald J. Trump, et al., Petitioners v. Joseph R. Biden, et al.
Lower Ct: Supreme Court of Wisconsin
Case Numbers: (2020AP2038)
Decision Date: December 14, 2020
Jan 27 2021 | DISTRIBUTED for Conference of 2/19/2021. |
In the Supreme Court of the United States Timothy King, et al., Petitioners v. Gretchen Whitmer, Governor of Michigan, et al.
Supreme Court of the United States
Title: Timothy King, et al., Petitioners v. Gretchen Whitmer, Governor of Michigan, et al.
Docketed: December 15, 2020
Lower Ct United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit
Case Numbers: (20-2205)
Feb 03 2021 | DISTRIBUTED for Conference of 2/19/2021. |
Impeachment Trial Redux, AMERICAN GREATNESS
Time Magazine Gushingly Profiles The Successful ‘Conspiracy’ To Rig The 2020 Election
Time Magazine Gushingly Profiles The Successful ‘Conspiracy’ To Rig The 2020 Election
By Joy Pullmann FEBRUARY 9, 2021
The FEDERALIST
It's really hard to tell if the article is just a gloating bat flip, a horrifying attempt to radicalize more people among Democrats’ political opposition, or evidence the left believes Americans are so deadened under Democrat control they will not react to such public revelations of conspiracies to betray American self-governance.
Steven A. Sund, Former Chief of Police, United States Capitol Police to The Honorable Nancy Pelosi, Speaker of the House of Representatives, February 1, 2021: ‘Former Capitol Police Chief Blows Hole in Dems Case Against Trump’
https://drive.google.com/file/d/1UBGAz_eOYggMne-QqRwAb1C2KHiLio6R/view?usp=sharin