Grassley
Releases Evidence of Manipulated Political Targeting within Mueller Probe Via
FBI Whistleblower Report
March 20, 2026 | Sundance |
Let me start by saying there is a
lot of misleading information circling current events, some of it by what CTH
considers very dubious alt-right voices. I suggest just to be leery
of “exclusive” insider information. There are motives and angles that are
not obvious and would not be comfortable for those who follow events closely.
[As an example, the election/voting
information -connected to the Intelligence Community- and recently outlined by
John Solomon, is not new. What Solomon is rehashing is the background
information exposed by Catherine Engelbrecht and True the Vote surrounding
Chinese involvement in prior elections (Konnech etc.). Engelbrecht gave the FBI the data, the
FBI buried it and eventually targeted Engelbrecht. The hidden data and
FBI conduct is now resurfacing.]
As a result of datamining the FBI ‘prohibited access’ records Chuck Grassley
has released an FD-302 from an FBI agent who was on the Mueller team and became
a whistleblower about the motives and agenda of the Mueller participants. [SEE HERE]
One of the stories surfacing surrounds one of the Mueller targets, Walid
Phares. [SEE HERE]
Walid Phares was the 5th target within the Weissmann/Mueller probe
who were using Foreign Agent Registration Act (FARA) violations as targeting
mechanisms.
The other four were Paul Manafort, Michael Flynn, Carter Page and George
Papadopoulos.
♦ Why Phares? This is a little complicated but
becomes straightforward once you get it.
One of the first things President Obama did when he took office was to
travel to Cairo, Egypt, give a speech to the Islamic world and trigger what
later became known as the “Arab Spring.” Obama was an ideological ally of
the Muslim Brotherhood, which positioned him in alignment with Qatar, Iran, Turkey
and various factions of the more extremist Muslim community. The Muslim
Brotherhood is political Islam.
Trying to keep it short, essentially Walid Phares was on the opposite side
of that ideology. He was a critic of the Brotherhood, and a supporter of
the person who eventually shut down the Arab Spring uprisings, Egyptian
President Fattah al-Sisi.
After success in Tunisia, Egypt, Bahrain and Libya, President Obama was
furious when Army General al-Sisi stepped up and removed Muslim Brotherhood
aligned Mohammed Morsi in Egypt. That military uprising stopped the Arab
Spring, and it stalled out thereafter.
Obama’s efforts to give increased power and voice to the Muslim Brotherhood
was essentially stopped by Sisi, and that made anyone on the stability side of
Islam an enemy of Obama. Without Egypt, Team Obama couldn’t trigger Syria
– they did get extremism to expand via ISIS, but the coalition of Arab states
al-Sisi put together pushed back on the extremists.
That’s the Muslim ideological part of the issue,
and we could write a dozen deep articles about all of the ancillary issues
within it. However, for the sake of reader time, we’ll just jump forward
to the other, perhaps more important, issue.
Walid Phares was an advisor to Donald Trump, helping him to connect to
middle east moderate Arab leaders like al-Sisi and frame policies to end the
extremism aspect.
As a policy advisor Phares saw the structural flaws in the Obama Iran-deal
and, more importantly, Phares saw the outline of a financial relationship that
intersected with Obama policy.
The Obama Iran deal involved the U.S. dropping sanctions, feeding billions
of dollars back to Iran (via Qatar) as part of the incentive for the Joint
Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) to “eliminate Iran’s nuclear
ambitions.” At least that was the forward face of the policy goal.
However, in the background there was a semi-opaque quid-pro-quo where Obama
would transfer sanctioned funds back to Iran and then Iran would send a portion
of the funds back to the Obama network. The problem was the return funds
were contingent upon the success of the Iran deal.
By advising President Trump against the Iran deal, Walid Phares was
essentially putting a stop to the quid-pro-quo that was contingent upon the
deal’s success. In the bigger picture, that made Phares a target and the
Weissmann-Mueller probe was the mechanism to target him, using FARA as the
weapon.
[SIDEBAR – In a
collaborative relationship between the Senate and the State Department, U.S.
senators write foreign aid policy, rules and regulations
thereby creating the financing mechanisms to transmit U.S. funds (think USAID).
Those same senators then received a portion of the funds laundered back through
their various “institutes” and business connections to the foreign government
offices. Example Ukraine [Burisma to Biden] or The McCain Institute.
The U.S. State Dept. served as a distribution network for the authorization
of the money laundering by granting DC conflict waivers, approvals for
financing (think Clinton Global Initiative), and permission slips for the
payment of foreign money. The officials within the State Dept. take
a slice of the overall payments through a system of “indulgence fees”, junkets,
gifts, expense payments from foreign dignitaries, and payments back to
leadership pacs and structured political institutes.
If anyone gets too close to revealing or interrupting this process, they
become a target of the apparatus. By all accounts, President Trump was
considered an existential threat to this entire process. – END SIDEBAR]
President Obama was ideologically aligned with the Muslim Brotherhood (time
spent in Pakistan as a young man), that made him sympathetic to Iran (Valerie
Jarrett), and simultaneously team Obama had a financial motive.
The Mueller investigation was used by Obama-era officials, deep state embeds
and eventually FBI investigators as a mechanism to block President Trump from
executing a divergent foreign policy. The primary policy to protect was
the Iran deal.
It’s a similar process in various foreign policy outcomes:
President Obama was positioned to make money from the Iran deal.
Vice President Biden was similarly positioned to make money from Ukraine.
Hillary Clinton (CGI) would make money from Haiti.
Donald Trump was a disruption to all of those ideological and financial
constructs. President Trump would and did carry an entirely new foreign
policy. This would result in ideological diminishment for the former
policy teams, and financial losses for the former beneficiaries.
WASHINGTON – Carter Page wasn’t the only adviser from
Trump’s first campaign wiretapped by the FBI. Walid Phares was electronically
monitored for a 12-month period between 2017 and 2018, according to the
Washington-based FBI agent who was assigned to investigate him as part of
Special Counsel Robert Mueller’s Russia collusion probe.
As in Page’s case, the bureau withheld evidence exonerating Phares from
the court to secure surveillance authorization, according to newly declassified
FBI documents.
“I had no idea any of this was happening,” Phares told
RealClearInvestigations in an exclusive interview Wednesday night. “This is
shocking because they told my lawyer that I was only a ‘witness’ and that they
just needed some information.”
“But these were huge abuses that I can see now,” he added. Phares said
he intends to sue the FBI and Justice Department for damages.
The 68-year-old Lebanese-American scholar said case agents and
prosecutors grilled him for months, questioned his employer, and even went
after his bank records. As a result, he said he lost his job at a university,
his livelihood, and even his bank accounts and credit card after Wells Fargo
cancelled them.
“It was like a disaster for me financially and physically,” he said. “I
also lost my Fox News contract” as an expert on terrorism and the Middle East,
which he had held since 2007.
Phares was not hired by the Trump administration, even though he had
been expected to land a high-level foreign policy position. “They scared the
agencies from me so I would have problems with (obtaining) a security
clearance,” he said.
Investigators could find “nothing” criminal on Phares during their
probe, according to the lead case agent, and in fact, they concluded he was
“honest.” Yet Mueller’s team continued to secretly spy on Phares – without
providing the powerful federal spy court any of the exculpatory evidence that
could clear Phares as required by law.
The agent told investigators in a separate 2020 internal FBI review that
“there were no corroborating facts that tied Crosswind [the codename for
Phares’ case] to certain facts that we thought were originally true,” according
to a transcript of his testimony, released after more than five years of
concealment.
He added that “nothing” collected from Phares’ communications under the
Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) warrants, including phone messages
and emails, “aided the investigation other than to prove the target was being
honest with investigators,” who had interviewed him repeatedly.
Nonetheless, the FBI continued monitoring Phares as part of a Foreign
Agents Registration Act (FARA) investigation. He was never charged with any
violations of the act. (read more)
Former Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein gave testimony to the Senate
in June of 2020 {LINK}. Within Rosenstein’s election year and little
covered testimony, he revealed that Special Counsel Robert Mueller and his main
deputy Andrew Weissmann were completely in charge of Main Justice at the DOJ
during the time the special counsel investigation was happening. Attorney
General Jeff Sessions was recused, and DAG Rosenstein was in charge of how much
power and authority Mueller and Weissmann’s team held in the DOJ.
Rosenstein testified the special counsel had full control over everything
and anything related to Trump-Russia, including the Carter Page FISA
application the special counsel had re-submitted for the third renewal on June
29, 2017.
Anything that remotely touched the Trump-Russia investigation was completely
and unilaterally controlled by Mueller and Weissmann, including any ancillary
investigation that would come as an outcome from anything to do with
Trump-Russia
Rosenstein also testified he deferred everything to Mueller/Weissmann and
never challenged any of their requests for expanded investigative scope or
authority. Rosenstein felt the special counsel was in charge, and
anything they wanted – they got. As Deputy AG Rosenstein said all the
special counsel operations were part of their investigative authority, and he
felt he had no place in questioning, challenging or refusing anything related
to their investigative authority.
Mueller/Weissmann had full control.
